Trade unions have a vital role in defeating racism and the far right
Socialist Party Scotland reporters
Over 500 anti-racists were mobilised into George Square, Glasgow on Saturday 20 June. There was a good attendance by trade unionists with the event having been supported by RMT Scotland. Messages of support from Unite Scotland and FBU Scotland were also brought to the rally.
The size of the turnout was significant as there were strident appeals by the SNP-led Scottish government and the police for no one to attend, under the guise of the Covid-19 pandemic.
It comes on the back of very large Black Lives Matter protests two weeks previously that saw over 10,000 take part in Scotland. Again, those attending had to do so in opposition to official political and police advice not to go.
Saturday’s protest was also a powerful response to an attack on asylum rights campaigners by members of far right groups the previous Wednesday, June 17, in George Square. The “National Defence League” had called for loyalists to come to George Square to protect statues and the Cenotaph, although it was clear that there was no threat to either.
When the No Evictions campaign turned up to protest against the inhumane treatment of asylum seekers by Mears Group, who are responsible for providing accommodation and food but are failing to do this adequately, they were attacked. The No Evictions demonstration was forced to march away from the square for its safety.
Socialist Party Scotland gives full solidarity to campaigners fighting evictions and for refugee rights and condemns this violent attack. We also attended and supported the mobilisation on Saturday. Unlike on Wednesday, Saturday saw the racists outnumbered by around 20 to 1.
class anger
Huge class anger and polarisation is increasingly evident in society, rooted in the impact of the coronavirus crisis and a growing economic depression. We have seen the first outpouring of active opposition to this rotten, oppressive capitalist system with the inspiring mobilisations of mainly young people around Black Lives Matter.
As part of this revolt, statues associated with the legacy of racism and slavery have been targeted by young people expressing their anger and trying to raise debate and discussion about this “hidden” history.
The reactionary and racist Tory government, led by Boris Johnson, has attempted to undermine public support for this movement and deflect attention away from the Tories record and agenda by evoking British nationalism.
A layer in society, including working class people, have been mobilised by the call to “defend statues and memorials”. In Scotland, sectarianism has been an important lever. The so-called National Defence League called on loyalists to come out to George Square to ensure respect for war veterans and to defend the war memorial, the Cenotaph. They also cited recent “IRA” graffiti sprayed on the William of Orange Statue in Cathedral Square.
There has been a rise in sectarian clashes over loyalist and republican parades in Glasgow over the past year in particular. Growing support for Scottish independence (with loyalists favouring the union with Britain and republicans backing independence) plus the Brexit referendum have also added to the sectarian polarisation.
It is important to point out that the far right and fascist groups attempting to build a base among loyalists in Glasgow and the west of Scotland does not mean all those who identify with loyalism are fascists.
Although loyalism and fascism are both reactionary ideologies opposed by socialists they are different. Fascism is an capitalist ideology that used issues like racism, anti-semitism etc. to try to build a mass movement aimed at destroying the organised working class and the trade unions. Fascism was only able to come to power in the 30s in Germany, Italy and Spain after repeated defeats for workers’ revolutions.
Loyalism is a product of the divide and rule legacy of the British ruling class in Ireland who sought to divide the working class in order to maintain its rule and influence. It is vital that the trade unions in particular strive to unite the working class in Scotland by offering a fighting alternative to exploitation and austerity, as well as opposing all forms of racism and bigotry.
STUC statement
In this context the recent statement from the STUC on the need to oppose fascist and far right violence is important. Regrettably, the statement does make some important mistakes.
The statement calls on the police and the state to take action: “Far-right groupings are seeking to capitalise on current lock-down measures. Police need to respond immediately and effectively to these provocations and deny far-right groupings access to public spaces including George Square. Courts likewise should deny bail to those who are charged with aggravated public order offences.”
But on the 17 June the police were not willing to defend and protect the No Evictions demonstration’s right to protest peacefully. On June 20, the police kettled a group of anti-racist protesters and marched them away from George Square at the end of the rally – making social distancing almost impossible.
The STUC appeal for the police to act against fascist groups was given short-shrift by the Scottish Police Federation when they commented: “The public cannot expect the police service to turn a blind eye to those who break the law in the name of a particular cause whilst demanding different treatment for opponents.”
They go on: “There is no moral high ground to be claimed. Right or left; green or blue; unionist or nationalist; statue wrecker or statue protector, your side is as guilty as the other.” And they finished by calling for the banning of public events during the pandemic by saying: “The sooner our politicians decide what matters more, appeasement or the health of our nation, the sooner we can stop wasting valuable resources on the managing of illegal gatherings.”
The use of the police against the workers’ movement is long understood by trade unionists. The 1984/85 miners strike was described as a civil war without guns for good reason. The police in particular were used as a brutal and hated coercive forces against the NUM. In effect the private army of Thatcher and the National Coal Board. The Battle of Orgreave and the sacking of hundreds of miners who lost employment after being falsely arrested and charged are still unresolved historic injustices.
We can add to this the way the police were used to defend Rupert Murdoch and News International during the Wapping dispute in 1986. In 1993, workers and their supporters in Dundee experienced the police acting at the beck and call of the Timex bosses during the nine month lockout.
The STUC statement, unwittingly, creates unnecessary illusions that the state can in some way be even-handed. Emergency coronavirus powers are already being used to pressure organisers of Black Lives Matter demonstrations to cancel or scale back mobilisations and will also be used against the workers’ movement and trade unionists by the police.
On Saturday June 20, the police imposed an Order under Section 60 of the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994 which gives officers the right to search any individual or vehicle without needing to have reasonable grounds.
The workers’ movement cannot rely on Police Scotland to decide what is an “aggravated public order offence” and defend democratic rights, especially as we move into a new period of heightened class battles. The current legislation can just as easily be used against the left and the trade unions.
The only response to the threat of fascist violence and racism is using the historically effective methods of democratic and mass working-class organisation, including democratic and effective stewarding of demonstrations to protect participants and effectively combat the far right. Rather than calls on Police Scotland to use undemocratic powers, the STUC should base itself on workers’ mobilisations.
The STUC conclude their statement by saying: “Trades unionists will be continuing to monitor and prepare for the proliferation of organised racism in Scotland’s streets, and calls on communities across the country to do the same. We also say that now is time for solidarity and support. Below are links to just a few of the campaigns you might choose to donate to:”
This is laudable but why not issue a clear call, under the STUC banner, for a mass demonstration, taking health and safety precautions such as social distancing and stewarding, to smash racism and the far right.
If this was linked to a struggle against the jobs slaughter, decent homes for all, no to evictions and an end to cuts to public services it would have a huge impact. This would be in line with the 2018 TUC congress vote to launch a campaign against the far right and for jobs and homes not racism.
The lack of a lead from the STUC over these events unfortunately reflects their approach of seeking “partnership” with the SNP government during the Covid crisis.
This is rapidly coming up against the reality of an almighty struggle opening up between capitalism and the working class over who will pay for the most serious crisis in the profit system’s history.
In Scotland, the unemployment rate is now the highest in the UK. Thousands of jobs have gone and are going in the private sector, including Rolls Royce, North Sea Oil and up to 100,000 workers face the axe in hospitality and tourism. In the public sector, councils are rapidly running out of funds to provide basic services. Bosses, in the drive to protect profits, are pushing for unsafe returns to work and education.
The profile of the trade unions in the workplace as the most effective mechanism for defending workers’ health and safety is as high as it’s been for decades. Tens of thousands have been joining unions during the pandemic and huge opportunities exist to unionise the precarious sectors, including young workers, with a fighting approach.
Divisive poisonous ideologies such as racism will be used by the ruling class to divide workers and this must be met with a united response from the workers’ movement.
Rather than hold back the STUC and the whole trade union leadership must now go on the offensive, co-ordinating national strike action against the attempts of the bosses to make workers pay for the crisis.
The SNP and Scottish Labour are ineffective and compliant in the attacks of the Tories. Therefore a new mass working-class party based on the trade unions must be built to fight for socialism.