Tories hammered – now build for socialist struggle
Socialist Party Scotland statement
The Tories have been hammered. Reduced to just 121 MPs, their lowest return in UK electoral history, the traditional party of British capitalism is being reduced to a splintering shell. They are paying the price for serial crimes against the working class. Not least savage austerity and the devastation that has come in its wake.
The Tories demise at this election is rooted in the crisis of British capitalism, which itself reflects the overall disintegration of the world capitalist economy and its political repercussions. Weakened by the 2007/2008 financial crash, the Covid rupture and now a chronic period of economic stagnation, the loss of support for the Tories is a product of collapsing authority of the parties of the ruling class internationally.
While Labour won the election with a large 174-seat majority, their vote mirrors the complete lack of enthusiasm towards Starmer’s re-heated Blairism. Reflecting the disgust at the establishment parties, the turnout was the second lowest in a general election since 1885. Labour polled 33.7% overall, significantly less than that achieved by Jeremy Corbyn in 2017 when Labour won 12.8 million votes. Starmer could only muster 9.7 million votes – three million fewer than Corbyn. Indeed Labour’s vote was even 600,000 less than Corbyn won in 2019.
Labour’s vote fell in Wales, was stagnant in England and only in Scotland was there any significant increase in support. As the election analyst John Curtice commented: “In many ways, this looks more like an election the Conservatives have lost than one Labour has won.” And no wonder, given the utterly unappealing menu of policies on offer from Labour.
Gone were the limited reforms promised by Corbyn, for example on public ownership and scrapping of student debt. Starmer’s manifesto, in contrast, was there to reassure big business. As Rachel Reeves, when addressing leading bankers in the City of London during the election, commented: “I really hope that when you do read it [Labour’s manifesto]….. that you will see your fingerprints all over it.”
There was record levels of support for parties and candidates outside of the main capitalist establishment bloc. Farage’s anti-immigrant, right populist Reform UK polled over four million votes and a 14.3% share of the vote to win five MPs. Reform’s vote was especially pronounced in areas that had voted to leave the EU. Reform’s rise undoubtedly weakened the Tory vote, leading to Tory losses across England in particular. The Scottish Tory leader Douglas Ross failed to be elected with the Reform vote a major factor.
Generally viewed to be on the left (although not in practice) The Greens also won four seats – their combined vote across the UK was two million on a 6.8% share – up from 2.7% in 2019.
In a revolt against Starmer’s support for the Israeli state’s onslaught in Gaza and the Netanyahu government, four anti-Gaza war independents were elected after defeating Labour candidates in England – Leicester and Birmingham included. Others came very close to winning. Jeremy Corbyn, expelled from Labour, easily defeated the right wing Labour candidate in Islington North. While George Galloway only narrowly lost the Rochdale seat he had won in a recent by-election for the Workers Party of Great Britain.
These examples point to what will be possible under a Starmer government if the necessary steps are taken by authoritative figures like Corbyn and left trade union leaders to build a fighting anti-war, pro-trade union and socialist mass workers’ alternative. Such a force would be far more able to cut across Reform UK and weaken the base of the right.
As one BBC correspondent commented: “there is a seething complicated anger out there….Voters were clearly furious with the Conservative Party …they are more than willing than ever before to consider parties outside the traditional mainstream….This put Labour on notice that we’re in an unusually volatile period”
While another said: “We live in a world of unprecedented voter volatility – more people in more places are more willing to change their minds more often and more quickly about politics than ever before.”
SNP lose big
Reflecting this volatility, aside from the Tories, the biggest losers in the election were the SNP. They emerged bloodied with just nine MPs, down from the 48 they secured in 2019. It was a traumatising defeat for a party that has had three leaders in just over a year amid a series of crises. All of them rooted in their pro-capitalist, cuts-making policies that weakened their support among the working class in particular.
The SNP lost all of their MPs in Glasgow. There is now only one SNP MP across the working class heartlands of west and central Scotland. Labour, who could win only one seat in 2019, ended up with 37 MPs. Yet, the enthusiasm for Labour was negligible. As one former Tory advisor commented: “Labour’s support is a mile wide but an inch deep.”
A section of independence-supporting former SNP voters switched to Labour to get the Tories out and to protest at the SNP itself. Many others did not vote. The SNP vote share fell from 45% to 30%, while Labour’s increased from 18% in 2019 to 36%. The issue of independence for Scotland did not feature in the way it has done in previous elections since 2014.
It was the class issues around the cost of living and public services that dominated. Primarily there was just a desire to see the back of the Tories and a feeling of voting Labour was the best way to do that. Support for independence remains at 50% however. And the potential for the national question to re-emerge with a vengeance under a Starmer-led Labour government is likely.
Despite Labour’s gains, turnout in Scotland fell below 60%, reflecting the deep-seated disgust towards the main parties. The Scottish Greens polled 3.8%, including sizeable votes in Glasgow where they averaged closer to 10%. Overall, the Green vote in Scotland was half of that of the Greens in England. Partly a result of the role of the Scottish Greens in an austerity-wielding coalition with the SNP at Holyrood. Since the power-sharing agreement was ended by Humza Yousaf, the Greens have been more openly critical of the SNP.
Reform UK polled 7%, beating the Tories in a number of seats. Again, the Reform vote in Scotland was around half of that in England.
Scottish TUSC’s results
Against the backdrop of these national factors, it was expected that the modest challenge by the Scottish Trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition would produce modest results. Nevertheless, Scottish TUSC – within which Socialist Party Scotland plays a central role – stood the largest number of candidates on the left. Our election campaigns in Glasgow, Dundee and Aberdeen were very well received. Compared to the last time we stood in a Westminster election our votes increased.
Our key message: Tories out – but Labour and the SNP don’t fight for us – build a new party for the working class, a £15 an hour minimum wage, an end to all cuts, public ownership of the economy and an end to the slaughter in Gaza resonated with many. We received enthusiastic support from many trade union activists and people who we met.
The fact Scottish TUSC had among our candidates key trade union leaders who have a record of leading struggles and were committed to living on the average wage of a skilled worker also marked us out. We produced 250,000 leaflets during the campaign, with dozens of street stalls and door-to-door canvassing activities organised.
Scottish TUSC candidate for Dundee Central, Jim McFarlane, achieved the highest left vote in Scotland with 600 votes (1.5%), Brian Smith in Glasgow South polled 473 (1.1%), Chris Sermanni in Glasgow North East 236 (0.7%) and Lucas Grant in Aberdeen North 214 (0.5%)
In Glasgow South, Scottish TUSC polled higher than Alba – the party led by Alex Salmond. In Dundee Central, we polled three times the vote of George Galloway’s Workers Party candidate.
In Glasgow North East, Scottish TUSC came ahead Communist Party of Britain. We had written to all left organisations prior to the election to seek one socialist candidate per constituency.
Our 2015 general election vote in comparison: (note Scottish TUSC did not stand in 2017 or 2019 when Jeremy Corbyn was Labour leader)
Dundee West 304 (0.7%)
Glasgow South 299 (0.6%)
Glasgow North East 218 (0.6%)
Labour’s victory is a turning point. Not because Starmer will deliver for the working class – he will rule in the interests of big business – but because it will open the floodgates to mass struggle under a Labour government. Demands for funding for public services, public ownership of failing companies and an end to anti-working class policies generally will grow. Moreover, support for the building of a new party to fight for these and other policies will become a clamour, especially in the trade unions.
This was the marker that Scottish TUSC stood to put down in the election. For the building of a mass workers’ party based on the trade unions. And for socialist policies to solve the economic, social and environmental crisis that is rooted in the capitalist system. If you agree, join us.
