Socialist policies and working class action can end Tory rule
By Philip Stott
Millionaire, Eton-educated elitist Boris Johnson’s confirmation as Tory leader is the second time in three years that a prime minister has taken power without facing a general election. Unlike Theresa May, who was coronated in 2016, Johnson was actually “elected”, albeit with less than 0.2% of those entitled to vote in a general election. And all of them were Tory party members.
Nevertheless, Johnson is likely to have an even shorter time in office before facing a general election than even his predecessor. He potentially could be gone by Christmas, with the growing possibility of the third UK general election in five years. Not since the four general elections in six years following the aftermath of the 1st world war, the Russian Revolution and the revolutionary wave that engulfed Europe has there been more political instability in Britain.
horror
The capitalist class are looking on in horror as they face deepening crises on a series of fronts. Most immediate is Brexit. The chance of a “no-deal” rupture from the EU after October 31st is growing. Johnson’s “strategy” seems to be to force a concession from the EU over the Irish backstop that prevents a physical “hard” border between north and south.
By threatening a no-deal exit he hopes the EU will back down and agree changes to the current withdrawal agreement. However, this is by no means certain to work.
While the corporate bosses will hope to force Johnson into a more “pragmatic” approach, if necessary they will be prepared to force an election to avoid a chaotic exit from the EU. Threats to bring down the Johnson government by remain Tory MPs have already been voiced.
MPs are still on holiday until September but when they return the deepening civil war inside the Tory Party is likely to erupt into an even more ferocious conflict. Parliament could well be marshalled to stop Johnson and a possible chaotic break from the EU.
Behind these divisions are different social forces. The remain wing represent the overall interests of UK big business who want to maintain trade and profit avenues with the EU. The pro-Brexit wing of the Tories base themselves on a past role played by the British empire and a layer of the older Tory membership who are now quite distant from the priorities of the capitalist elite.
The lack of a stable political instrument for their rule is a growing nightmare for the ruling class in Britain. In addition to the “unstable” populist Johnson, there is the lack of a “second eleven”. Corbyn coming to the leadership of the once reliable, from the capitalists point of view, Blairite-dominated Labour Party has removed the option of New Labour. In addition, the growing “national” problem in Scotland, fear of growing sectarian tensions in Northern Ireland and increased demands for self-determination in Wales are all adding to the toxic mix.
Stop Corbyn
Not for nothing did Theresa May, speaking at her farewell drinks gathering of Tory MPs, say that their priority should be “stopping Jeremy Corbyn entering Downing Street”. Boris Johnson on winning the election said his priorities were to deliver Brexit and stop Corbyn. The prospect of a Corbyn-led government is almost the only glue holding the Tories together.
The trepidation of a Jeremy Corbyn government arising from a general election is not primarily based on what he has done since becoming Labour leader. Rather it is the mortal fear of the class forces that could be unleashed by a Corbyn government coming to power.
There would be an enormous feeling among workers and young people that a Corbyn-led government must deliver for their interests. His pledges on a living wage of £10, an end to austerity, elements of public ownership and public investment in housing and public services will all be demanded, and more, by workers still suffering after a decade of cuts.
For this reason the ruling class would rather avoid an election but this may now be unavoidable. Hence the unrelenting campaign against Corbyn by the capitalist class inside the Labour Party; Tom Watson and the rest of the Blairites. A further split in the Labour Party prior to an election is possible, as is another leadership challenge to Corbyn.
A split away by the Blairite MPs to prevent a Corbyn government getting a majority is also being considered by the Labour right. Under those circumstances, a national government of Blairite, Liberal and remain Tories could be an option for the ruling class.
One of Corbyn’s biggest mistakes has been the refusal to allow Labour Party members the right to de-select the Blairites as MPs and replace them with Corbyn supporting candidates. Similarly, his concessions on Brexit and the idea of a second referendum has only led to further confusion as to what is Corbyn’s actual position on Brexit.
Rather than wait on a general election, it’s essential that Corbyn and the trade union movement come out fighting. They should urgently organise a mass demonstration demanding a general election now, for an end to austerity, a Brexit in the interests of the working class majority and for a decent pay rise for all workers. By mobilising working- class support in amass campaign to remove the government, he would also be deepening his electoral support for the election itself.
The danger exists that if an early general election does take place, Johnson could gain as a defender of the 2016 referendum result to leave the EU in working class areas who voted to leave. This is especially the case if Labour’s manifesto was to clearly be for a so-called “people’s vote” and remaining in the EU, as the Blairites are demanding.
Millions of devastated working class areas voted to leave in a howl of protest against joblessness, austerity and low pay. It’s vital that Corbyn fights for a socialist Brexit based on the interests of the working class, public ownership, wealth redistribution and ending anti-worker EU legislation.
Scotland
There was a sizeable majority vote for staying in the EU in Scotland in 2016. Even then, almost four in ten of those taking part voted to leave, one-third of those its estimated voted for independence in the 2014 referendum. Many working class areas saw big votes in favour of leave. Socialist Party Scotland campaigned in 2016 against the big business-dominated EU and for an anti-austerity, socialist Europe for workers and young people.
Boris Johnson’s elevation to prime minister will undoubtedly boost support for Scottish independence. He is widely seen as not just a buffoon but also a brutal representative of the elite who advocates tax cuts for big business and the richest. The threat of a no-deal capitalist Brexit, which Johnson and co say they are now actively preparing for, will drive that support even further.
Not for nothing did former New Labour prime minster Gordon Brown write that Johnson could be the “last prime minister of the UK” As it is, recent opinion polls have consistently shown growing support for independence which is now very close to a majority.
This volatile and explosive reality is driving the ruling elite to distraction. The Guardian columnist Martin Kettle accused the new prime minister of not caring about Scotland and feared that “the ties which have bound the UK together for centuries….are fraying faster than ever before.” The tensions between Boris Johnson and Scottish Tory leader Ruth Davidson are also under scrutiny. Demands for the Scottish Tories to separate themselves from the UK party and Johnson’s leadership are also growing louder.
indyref2
The SNP government and Nicola Sturgeon are in no hurry over indyref2. Their entire strategy, up to now, has been based on seeking and getting an agreement from Westminster for a legal second referendum. May and now Johnson’s opposition to this is, in reality, fine by the SNP leadership as it allows more time for opinion polls to shift in their favour. It also allows time for a change in government to take place. For example a Corbyn-led government that required backing from SNP MPs may have to concede a Section 30 order for that support.
However, were the threat of a no-deal Brexit to become a reality or a general election produced a new Tory government led by Johnson, then support for independence could take off. Then the pressure on the nationalist leadership to organise an “illegal” referendum would grow decisively. As it is sections of the SNP, and especially the wider pro-independence movement, are demanding a plan B. Sturgeon is desperate to avoid a Catalonia-type conflict with the British ruling class and will seek to delay any such confrontation as long as possible.
Working class pressure on the SNP is, however, also growing over austerity. A result of their pro-capitalist policies and implementation of cuts across Scotland. Recent disputes have included the Glasgow equal pay battle, the Scottish teachers pay campaign and a major confrontation with council workers in Dundee. Each have shown the true political colour of SNP politicians. In addition, the Scottish government’s refusal to bring the Caley rail works into public ownership, as well as the Ferguson shipyard, testify further to the slavishly pro-business nature of the SNP leadership.
However, Scottish Labour have been unable to make any significant in-roads into SNP support, despite left leadership’s at a Scottish and UK level. There has been no call on Labour councils to stop carrying out cuts in local government. Richard Leonard has also refused to change Scottish Labour’s die-in-a-ditch opposition to Scottish independence and opposes even the right to a second referendum.
The Blarities have in fact increased their influence in Scottish Labour recently. Reflecting this a key left MSP and Corbyn ally, Neil Findlay, announced he was stepping down from parliament. In resigning from the Labour front bench he referenced the struggle with the Labour right, saying: “life is too short to be involved in endless internal battles with people who are supposed to be on the same side.”
This statement alone underlines Socialist Party Scotland’s analysis that Labour is still two parties in one. And that only by introducing democratic mandatory re-selection for MPs, MSPs and councillors, and demanding elected reps refuse to make cuts and fight for working-class interests, can ensure Labour becomes a genuine left and anti-austerity party.
Socialist alternative needed
Labour’s failure to stage a recovery in Scotland – they still lie third in opinion polls behind the Tories – is not a reflection of the real potential for a left alternative to the SNP. Both Jeremy Corbyn’s and Scottish Labour’s inability to consistently articulate radical socialist ideas in any coherent or consistent basis means they have been unable to capitalise on that potential. Labour’s opposition to genuine self-determination for Scotland is also a major obstacle to an electoral recovery. It further disorientates working class and young people who are looking for a fighting socialist lead.
A snap general election in the autumn could see Labour make some gains in Scotland, given the desperation to remove the Tories from power. But more likely, if Corbyn makes yet more concessions to the Blairites over Labour’s general election manifesto, will be a failure to meet the potential.
Alternatively, if Corbyn used his 2017 anti-austerity manifesto as a starting point – for tax increases on the corporations, public ownership of key industries, a £10 an hour minimum wage, an end to cuts and the scrapping of recent Tory anti-union laws, then major gains could be made in Scotland. Even then a much more sensitive approach toward working-class people who back independence would also be needed. And certainly a commitment not to oppose a second indyref if one was requested by the Scottish parliament.
Even then, to withstand the onslaught of the capitalist class against a radical Corbyn government a socialist manifesto would have to go much further. It should include, for example, reversing all cuts to NHS and council services, scrapping Universal Credit, and a pledge to nationalise Harland and Wolff, Honda Swindon, Ford Bridgend and British Steel under democratic working-class control, along with any other companies which carry out closures and job cuts in the name of Brexit or otherwise.
This should be combined with nationalisation of the major corporations and banks to really take the levers of power out of the hands of the capitalist saboteurs. Corbyn should also be clear that he supports the right to independence for Scotland, while advocating a free and voluntary socialist confederation of Scotland with England, Wales and Ireland.
If a Corbyn-led government came to power on such a programme it would create huge enthusiasm among the working class in Scotland and Britain and indeed internationally. It would then be in a powerful position to negotiate a Brexit deal in the interests of the working class. Such a deal would take as its starting point opposing all pro-privatisation anti-working class EU laws, including repeal of all anti-trade union legislation, and abolition of anti-state aid and nationalisation rules.
On that basis it would be possible to make a successful appeal for solidarity to workers across Europe to support a Corbyn government’s stance and to fight for a socialist Europe.
