Corbyn can defeat the Tories with a bold socialist manifesto

In the snap election of 2017, Jeremy Corbyn’s “for the many, not the few” manifesto enabled a Labour surge that almost defeated the Tories. Many workers and youth were inspired by anti-austerity, pro-investment and public ownership policies to get out and vote. Corbyn’s appeal drove the Labour vote from 25% at the start of the 2017 election campaign to 41% on polling day. Can such a surge be repeated in this snap election? What does Corbyn need to do to defeat Boris Johnson? Matt Dobson outlines a socialist manifesto that can defeat Boris Johnson.

In the midst of a winter election and the Brexit confusion crisis, Boris Johnson has seemingly been successful, up to now, by posing as the candidate of ‘the people versus an elite parliament’. He starts the campaign with a poll lead of around 8% but a Corbyn victory is still possible.

Corbyn’s difficulties are mainly because he has not separated himself from the Labour right – the Blairite pro-capitalist wing of Labour – who, under the cover of trying to stop a “no deal Brexit”, are an instrument of the ruling class trying to prevent a Corbyn government coming to power.

Even a Labour majority in December would not guarantee the implementation of Corbyn’s radical agenda. The  Blairite MPs in parliament would sabotage and demand policies to ally with the bosses and the so-called “national interest”.

That’s why mandatory reselection of MPs needs to be taken up, the Blairites driven out and Labour opened up to all socialist, anti-austerity fighters. 

1.Reject Johnson’s Brexit deal

Johnson’s EU withdrawal agreement is, in reality, an anti-worker race to the bottom pact supported by big business politicians.

Both Macron in France and Varadkar in Ireland have a record of imposing a brutal austerity agenda on French and Irish workers.

Rightly, Corbyn is drawing attention to the potential of a bonfire of workers’ rights and protections with the “removal of the level playing field”. But he must also give voice to the real experience of British workers of EU membership: constant attacks on wage agreements and collective bargaining.

You cannot trust a Johnson government with workers’ rights, but neither can workers have any hope in the EU.

2. For a socialist exit from the bosses’ EU

Corbyn Labour could gain support from leave and remain voting workers by stating they will try to negotiate an exit deal that not only protects jobs and terms and conditions but ends the restrictive EU trade rules around state aid preventing nationalisation and promoting privatisation.

Of course the EU institutions would resist, but an appeal can be made to the working class across Europe to cooperate and struggle together against the EU institutions.At the same time as fighting for a socialist Europe in the interests of the millions.

Putting class interests to the fore and promoting workers’ unity can cut across the division Johnson exploits and even push back the increasing sectarianism in Northern Ireland his manoeuvrings have fuelled.

3. Independent socialist Scotland

As well as trying to overcome the Tories, Labour have the problem of the SNP who are expected to win the overwhelming majority of seats in Scotland, including some won by Labour in 2017.

Increasingly workers and youth see independence as a way out from a reactionary Johnson government and a Tory Brexit.

Johnson and the Tories refusing the right to a second independence referendum and self determination gives the SNP an anti-establishment veneer.

This can only be cut across by Corbyn and McDonnell upholding their commitment to the right to a referendum.

This would mean reversing the threat to block a request for a section 30 order in the 2017 manifesto. It is perfectly possible to call for workers’ unity while defending democratic rights.

Socialist Party Scotland calls for an independent Socialist Scotland in a voluntary socialist confederation with England, Wales and Ireland.

A correct approach on the national question can mean Labour winning the ear of radical workers and youth.

4. 100% anti-austerity

In contrast to the reality of the SNP failing to fight Tory cuts, Corbyn’s election manifesto should not only be based on anti-austerity policy pronouncements, practical action is needed.

Corbyn should jointly call during the election for a mass Tories Out demonstration with the TUC as well as holding mass rallies across Scotland, England and Wales.

A commitment from Corbyn and McDonnell that Labour councils and the Labour-led Welsh Assembly would use financial powers to set no cuts budgets and that this pledge would be underwritten by an incoming Labour government would have a huge impact.

5. Workers’ rights

Postal workers are going into battle with a vicious bullying Royal Mail management. The likelihood of national strike action could raise class consciousness, especially if the Labour leadership fully back the CWU.

The 20-point workers’ charter and policies contained in Corbyn’s 2017 manifesto aimed to “put power in the hands of workers”. These include the restoration of sectoral collective bargaining rights, more legal protections for workers, the repeal of the anti-trade union laws, reduction of the working week without loss of income and the introduction of a £10 an hour minimum wage by 2020. 

While a significant step forward, fighting trade unions would need to enforce this.

6. Public ownership

Currently around 440,000 workers are illegally paid below the minimum wage. Even putting workers on the boards of companies, as Labour’s “alternative models of ownership” advocates, would not be enough.

The only guarantee against bosses who break laws every day is taking companies into public ownership.

Corbyn’s support for the nationalisation of Royal Mail, water, energy and rail are massively popular. However this will not be accepted by the bosses.

The recent Supreme Court rulings on Brexit are a warning that if a Corbyn government carry out its plans for even limited nationalisation the bosses could respond with court action, as they would to any kind of enabling act to nationalise large parts of the economy.

McDonnell was therefore wrong to praise the “independence of the judiciary and the rule of law”as the courts fundamentally protect class interests.

The CBI bosses organisation also recently tried to spread fear of Corbyn’s proposed nationalisations by saying they would cost the public £200 billion.

McDonnell’s response that this would be offset by these assets raising income and raised taxation of the rich  is insufficient as this project fear will only be escalated.

7. Democratic plan

A socialist nationalisation policy would demand first of all that the bosses’ books are opened for scrutiny, that compensation would only be paid to smaller shareholders on the basis of proven need.

In reality the nationalisation proposed by Corbyn needs to go further. Workers facing closures such as in steel and at Honda Swindon would welcome public ownership to save jobs and communities.

Why not also take over the top 125-150 major companies including the banks?

Public ownership of the main levers of the economy would be a real block to the rich hiding their wealth offshore, alongside the introduction of capital controls and a state monopoly of foreign trade.

Many postal and rail workers having had the experience of state ownership in the past also raise the need for democratic workers’ control and management of industry to avoid bureaucracy and inefficiency.

In the course of the election campaign, Corbyn should take the initiative of encouraging workers to set up committees to take over management after nationalisation. And joining the Labour Party to build a mass anti-austerity socialist party.

8. Scrap Universal Credit

There are also other massively popular Corbyn policies such as scrapping universal credit, ending all benefit sanctions and the private work capability assessments.

These policies could get even greater appeal with a commitment to raise the level of benefits to meet living costs.

Students turned out to vote for Corbyn in droves in 2017 to end tuition fees in England, for example, but the “national education service” should also commit to real living grants and the scrapping of student debt.  

9. End capitalism – fight for socialism

In this era, after a decade of structural crisis and with a new recession on the horizon, McDonnell’s proposal mooted to the city bankers that Corbynism’s left Keynesian policies can “stabilise and regenerate” capitalism is utopian and dangerous.

The causes of the 2007-8 crash are ever-present with a dramatic political reflection in the recent wave of global mass protests, many fuelled by economic inequality and the ruling class resorting to repression from Chile to Catalonia.

That socially explosive material is also present here. All the tensions and anger in society could be positively mobilised in the atmosphere of a “us versus them” general election. Where the interests of the working class, including precarious layers of the youth and middle class, are pitted against the cruel, arrogant, wealthy Tories who defend the bosses and their system.

Corbyn can only seize the time and win such a battle by articulating a bold socialist transformation of society.

And start mobilisng the mass support in the workplaces, communities, schools and colleges that will be needed under a Corbyn government to fight all attempts by capitalist interests to resist encroachments into their wealth and power.

A complete break with rotting capitalism and the profit system is needed. Socialist policies and democratic planning are essential for that task.